As the only living signatory to the agreement, Jamir recorded the indisputable reality that the NPC has always sought to create a favorable political environment in the region to clearly and unequivocally highlight the basis of the Nagas` legitimate claims and long-standing political aspirations before the Indian government. The 16-point agreement signed in 1960 between the Naga People`s Convention (NPC) and the Indian government led to the establishment of the state of Nagaland in 1963. Imkongliba was the first president of the NPC and in 1963 also the president of the transitional government. With the appointment of RN Ravi, the interlocutor of the Indo-Naga peace process, as Governor of Nagaland on 20 July 2019 and the repeal of Articles 370 and 35A on 5 August 2019, the Naga Peace Initiative has become an abyss. Intransigence on the issue of the Naga constitution and flag has created a situation in which the peace process survives from one deadline to the next (October 31, 2019 was announced as the first deadline and September 2020 as the second). Since rn Ravi ruled out the demand for a separate Naga flag and constitution in its governor`s speech on December 1, 2020, only the Sanguins still hope for a positive outcome. The People`s Liberation Army crossed the Jinsha River on October 6 or 7, 1950 and defeated the Tibetan Army on October 19.   Instead of continuing the military campaign, China asked Tibet to send representatives to Beijing to negotiate a deal. The Dalai Lama believes that the draft agreement was drafted by China and that Tibetan representatives were not allowed to propose changes. The solemn and unanimous NPC resolution aims to save the hopes and aspirations of the Naga people, he said, adding that the agreement was designed and worked out with great caution and prudence, taking into account all the prevailing social and societal realities, to serve as the basis for an honorable solution to the Naga issue. As the only living signatory to the agreement, Jamir said the NPC has always sought to create a favorable political environment in the region to clearly and unequivocally underscore the basis of the Nagas` legitimate claims and protracted political aspirations before the Indian government.
. In their false and often comforting belief in full knowledge and de facto consciousness, people were dangerously inclined to apply distorted logic, analyze half-baked information, and draw false conclusions on issues that required detailed and careful understanding and examination, he said. The NPC opted for the second option, and that is why the Nagas now had their government elected to shape their future according to their own choice and design, he added. Former Nagaland Prime Minister SC Jamir lamented on Sunday that the 16-point deal has been slandered over the years by vested interests, including those who have benefited from the fruits of the state. The agreement was preceded and followed by a pacification programme along tribal and regional lines. After 1964, a district-by-district pacification approach was implemented – a logical consequence of the idea that had given the governor exclusive administrative jurisdiction over Tuensang District. Tribalism has been used to achieve political goals. Rivalry within the ranks of the NNC along the tribal lines reached a focal point with the assassination of General Kaito, which led to a series of killings along tribal lines.
The Shillong Agreement of November 1975 offered no rights. Clause 3 (ii) of the Main Agreement and the five clauses of the Supplementary Agreement set out the terms and conditions for the capitulation and disarmament of the clandestine guerrillas. The solemn and unanimous NPC resolution aims to save the hopes and aspirations of the Naga people, he said, adding that the agreement was designed and drafted very consciously and carefully, taking into account all the demanding and exhausting socio-political realities, to serve as a basis for an honorable solution to the controversial Naga issue. The framework agreement signed on 3 August 2015 describes two interdependent levels of negotiation. First, it is the shared sovereignty between two entities, including the delicate issue of the separate Naga flag and constitution. Second, the treatment of courts or the delimitation of the rights and jurisdictions of central and Naga institutions of governance and administration, including a special administrative arrangement for areas inhabited by Nagaland outside Nagaland. The stalemate over the demand for a separate Naga flag and constitution and the expected disruption of skills in Naga-inhabited areas outside Nagaland could cancel out the talks. In an interview on October 16, 2020, Th. Muivah, General Secretary of the NSCN (IM), had unequivocally refused to sign an agreement that did not contain a separate Naga flag and constitution. It is not advisable to suggest bypassing the NSCN (GI) in order to conclude discussions earlier.
Restrictions on the implementation of skills outside Nagaland would undermine any possibility of peace by preventing the leakage of benefits to the Nagas in Arunachal, Assam and Manipur. The breakdown of peace is a suffering of any Indo-Naga agreement, a fragility underlined by the permanence of the Mizo Peace Agreement signed on 30 June 1986. On the other hand, successive Naga agreements (Akbar-Hydari agreement (1947), the 16-point agreement (1960) and the Shillong agreement (1975) could not achieve a lasting peace. The joint failure of the Naga agreements suggests that the analysis of the causes of this failure should not only focus on the alleged whim of the NSCN (IM) leadership and the democratic deficit of the organization, but should also take into account the long-term structural causes. As a result of the 16-point agreement signed between the Naga People`s Convention and the Government of India, the NHTA became a full-fledged state of Nagaland on December 1, 1963. It was the 16th state of the Indian Union. However, for Tuensang District, at that time, as it was relatively late, special arrangements were made for the district to have a regional council with the vice commissioner as president for a period of ten years. The regional council also appointed tribal representatives as members of the Nagaland Legislative Assembly. There was a Ministry of Tuensang Affairs in the ranks of the appointed members of the region. It was not until 1973, at the end of the ten-year period, that the regional council was abolished and the population of Tuensang District began to participate with the rest of the state in elections to the Nagaland Legislative Assembly.
Out of a total of 60 seats in the Assembly, there were 20 deputies from the region. Later, the three districts of Nagaland were reclassified into seven districts, with Tuensang being divided into two districts: Tuensang and Mon. Tuensang became more divided in 2004 when Longleng and Kiphire formed two of its full-fledged district subdivisions. The Tibetan delegation first contradicted the No. 1 reference to the „aggressive imperialist forces of Tibet,“ but later admitted that there might be forces they did not know. Points #2 and #3 dealt with the meaning of „local government“, although the meaning of „national regional autonomy“ was not discussed as the Tibetan delegation felt that things would continue as before. .